The Issue of Human Rights

The present constitution of Indonesia contains several chapters on human rights. Equal treatment before the law, non-discrimination among citizens, the right to have jobs and education, freedom of association and expression, and freedom of religion are all mentioned in the constitution. But in practice, some straying from these ideals have occurred. As many Asian countries, Indonesian takes the view that human rights should be interpreted locally and that the country should not follow the Western interpretation of it blindly (Budiardjo 1991). Promotion and protection of these rights must be conducted in a way that balances individual and collective rights, with individual rights being second to collective rights. 

However, the problem arises about the meaning of collective rights and who has the authority to determine whether a right is individual or collective. This has often generated disagreement between the community and the government. For example, when the government needs land for urban development, the bureaucracy always employs the principle of public interest to “force” the people out of their land or to determine the compensation price for land at low level, despite the fact that in many cases the land bought is then given to private companies to develop housing complexes or supermarkets. When conflicts arise between the government and the “forced” sellers of land, the court often sides with the government. 

In terms of labour relations, workers still have difficulties in protecting their interests. The state tends to over-protect industrialists so as to boost exports, leaving workers to protest for wage hikes and to demand their right to set up unions. 

Wages in Indonesia are considered one of the lowest in Asia (Werner International Management Consultant 1990). In 1992, the minimum wage set by the government for Jakarta was Rp 3000 (U$ 1.5) per day, while in other areas it was Rp 1,250 (U$0.50) per day. These wage levels are not sufficient to sustain the minimum human need. The situation gets worse when many industrialists fail to pay their labourers even the mininmum wage level. According to the Labour Minister, in Jakarta about 3 percent of industrialists do not pay the minimum level of wages (Tempo, 19 February 1994). The industrialists also tend to use child labour or refuse to give pregnancy leave for women workers (Tempo, 25 September 1993). 

To fight for their rights, workers have only one organization (SPSI, the All Indonesian Labour Federations) which is recognized by the government. Any effort to establish other labour organizations is quashed. This can be seen in the move made, for example, by Haji Princen to set up the Independent Labour Union Setiakawan (Tempo, 1991), and by Mochtar Pakpahan to establish the Indonesian Labour Welfare Union, both of which were blocked by the government. 

Worse still, there is a stipulation in law which says that workers who want to set up unions must obtain agreement from the management of industries or factories where they are working. In fact, not many owners allow their workers to set up labour organizations. In addition, strikes by workers and lay-offs by employers are prohibited (Budiman 1992). The Department of Labour is also actively involved in labour disputes, having the right to invite involvement by the military. In many cases, the military has taken over problems and handled the disputes in a way that has tended to protect the interest of the industrialists more than that of the workers. 

The prohibition of workers from setting up organizations has a historical basis. During the Old Order period (1950-65), labour organizations had been used by political parties, especially the Communist Party to mobilize workers against the government. Labour unrests were a major cause of political instability that inflicted great damage on the economy and contributed to the fall of the Old Order.

(Continued on title : "The President")

Political Parties

The New Order Government inherited the state’s traumatic experience with political parties and this has strongly affected its attitude towards such parties. In the 1950s, the government was under parliamentary system which suffered badly from political instability, which included regional rebellions. In that period of “Liberal Democracy” (1950-59), Indonesia had about fifty parties competing with one another on the basis of ethnicity and primordialism. No Cabinet lasted for more than six months because of the absence of a majority party. There was also suspicion in the regions that the centre had too much power in their hands, leaving only limited autonomy to the regions. Furthermore, the rapid development of the Communist Party caused anxiety among other parties and the majority of army leaders at the regional and local levels. These two factors, among others, were behind the regional rebellions during 1957-60 in West Sumatra and Sulawesi. 

When Soeharto took office in 1966, his attitude towards the role of political parties was a reflection of the earlier political trauma. The victory of Golkar (which is strongly supported by the military) in the 1971 elections (the first elections held in the New Order era) put the government in a good position to propose new political regulations. In 1973, the government reduced the number of political parties from ten to three through amalgamation. Some Islamic-based parties were grouped into the PPP while the nationalist, Christians and Catholics were grouped into the PDI. 

Soon, it became clear that forced regrouping like this would create serious internal conflicts among the parties. The traditional Muslim groups have always been in conflict with the modernist Muslims in the PPP, while the nationalists have always failed to come to agreement with the Christians and the Catholics in the PDI. Internal conflicts have also occurred in PPP and PDI party conferences, and this has usually invited the intervention of the government. The frequent conflicts have become a factor in the failure of the parties to consolidate or strengthen their organizations, while the government has steadily accumulated power through its party machinery, Golkar. 

Most parties have become very dependent on the government for several reasons. For example, financially, the parties would not be able to conduct party congresses or election campaigns without massive aid from the government. Thus, the government has easily dictated policies to the parties and exerted much influence on leadership selection within the parties. There is little chance for the parties to select their own leaders without the agreement of the government. 

The PPP and PDI have had difficult times in trying to raise funds from businessmen because their election prospects are uncertain. The public are unsure of the benefit they can obtain from their donations to the parties. Intellectuals also have the same question in mind when they are approached by the parties. Support for Golkar on the other hand is ample because it has the ability to provide facilities and protection to businessmen and even positions in the government for intellectuals who support it. 

As noted earlier, since 1987 there have been changes in the attitude of businessmen and intellectuals. Some of them have begun to support, and get involved in, the management of the PPP and the PDI with the aim of defeating Golkar in the cause of democracy. However, their numbers are still small and it is likely they will not grow significantly in size by the time of the next elections in 1997.

(Continued on title : "The Issue of Human Rights")

The Parliament

Today in Indonesia, political institutions are not free from government intervention. Although some changes have occurred over the last decade, politics and policy remain the monopoly of the highest levels of the civilian and military bureaucracies (Jackson 1980). The role of the legislative body (DPR or Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat) is limited although there is some improvement compared to the 1970s.

Since the 1971 elections, Golkar has held the majority of seats in the DPR, leaving the PPP (Partai Persatuan Pembangunan or United Development Party) and the PDI (Partai Demokrasi Indonesia or Indonesian Democratic Party) as minority parties. Political domination by Golkar is strengthened by the presence of Members of Parliament (MPs) who have been appointed by the government: they are from functional or professional groups, with military officers accounting for about one-third of the total number of MPs (about 400 MPs).

Furthermore, since 1971, the electoral system has been marked by a multi-member constituency or proportional system in combination with a list system. Enforcement of this system has caused the alienation of MPs from their constituencies. Under this system, MP candidacies are determined by the Council of Party Leaders (DPP) of each political party. As such, some MPs may merely have access to or connections with the DPP and may not be familiar with their constituencies. Many MPs have no knowledge about their constituencies since they live in Jakarta or originally came from some regions but represent other regions. A candidate from West Java, for example, may represent East Java although he has never lived in East Java at all.

As a result, not many MPs actually possess the requisites to become representatives of the public. To remain in office they merely need support from the party councils and not from the constituencies. Thus, their position in the DPR is not dependent on public support but on support from the party councils. On the basis of this fact, they tend to support party policies rather than the aspirations of the public. The dominant position of party councils is strengthened by the fact that the councils have the power to recall MPs from their positions in the DPR if they violate party discipline or if the councils receive a warning from the government.

The mechanism and procedures in the DPR also place limitations on MPs in proposing new laws. A proposal needs the agreement of two factions before it can be an agenda item for discussion. In fact, it is difficult for minority parties such as the PPP and the PDI to get the agreement of other parties, especially from Golkar as the majority party. This arrangement reduces the possibility of opposition in the DPR.

As noted earlier, there have been changes in the attitudes of MPs over the last decade. They have been more vocal in criticizing the government. The Bapindo (Bank Pembangunan Indonesia, or Indonesia Development Bank) financial scandal, for example, was discussed in 1994 as a result of investigations by an MP from Golkar. But such MPs are few in number and come mainly from either the military faction or from Golkar. The majority of the MPs still prefer to keep silent to avoid being recalled by their party councils. In addition, for many younger MPs, especially from Golkar, their seats in Parliament guarantee them a good life for at least five years. In research on the performance of MPs was the need to have job (Santoso 1993). Thus, it is easily understood why in many parliamentary debates MPs prefer to keep silent.

(Continued on title : "Political Parties")

Press Freedom

As stated above, the mass media in Indonesia have been allowed more freedom but some limitations remain. The government, for example, has the authority to ban any mass media if its news or analysis has, according to the government, undermined the credibility of the government or threaten the stability and security of the country. Since 1970, some media have been closed down; the last occurred in magazines (Tempo and Editor) and one tabloid (Detik). Such power is reinforced by the fact that the Indonesian presses have to seek permission from the government for any publication. Additionally, the government has to approve the composition of the editorial board before letters of permission are issued.

The government’s closure of the three publications mentioned above met with protests from students. Yet, the protests lasted only a week and people quickly forgot about the issue. The editors of the publications were left with the view that they had to exercise self-censorship. Such self-censorship is also occasioned by a stipulation in the press laws that “the national press has [both] the freedom as well as responsibility”. The final say on press freedom and its responsibility lies, of course, with the government.

Another factor behind the ban of the three publications was an intra-elite conflict involving three parties: the Muslims, the Nationalist, and the Catholics. The three publications were closed down after they continually wrote about Indonesia’s acquisition of warships from Germany which, according to them was too expensive. The three publications also reported that the key figure behind the acquisition was Minister for Research and Technology, B.J. Habibie, a minister who is strongly affiliated to the Muslim group through position as Chairman of ICMI (Ikatan Cendekiawan Muslim Indonesia or Association of Muslim Intellectuals).

Reports on the warships were considered conspiratorial, aimed at undermining the reputation and political influence of Habibie as well as the Muslim groups by the mass media sponsored by the nationalist. Although the chief editors of Tempo (Gunawan Muhammad and Fikri Jufri) were not connected to the nationalist groups, they were categorized (by their opponents) as nominal Muslims. Some members of the editorial board of the magazine, however, were considered nationalists and they were believed to have written the articles about Habibie. The Chief Editor of Detik tabloid was also considered by his opponents as a nationalist. Criticisms of Habibie were also made by the mass media owned by Christian, and specifically Catholic groups.

Prior to the closing down of these publications, President Soeharto on his visit to Lampung (in south Sumatra) had explained that all accusations made by the media about Habibie were wrong because the decision to buy the warships was made b him and that Habibie did not know about it. The President claimed that he had given Habibie instructions to contact the German Government for the purchase of the ships. The President had heard about the possibility of buying the ships from a leading businessman close to him. In the speech in Lampung, the President indirectly asked the authorities to enforce sanctions on the media which were engaging in insinuations and spreading false information. The case of Tempo shows that the government still has much power over the press.

(Continued on title : "The Parliament")

Gudeg

Gudeg (gudheg Java language) is the typical food of Yogyakarta and Central Java which is made from young jackfruit cooked with coconut milk. It took me hours to make this dish. Brown is usually generated by teak leaves are cooked simultaneously. Gudeg eaten with rice and served with thick coconut milk (areh), chicken, eggs, tofu and sambal goreng krecek.

There are different variants of gudeg, among others:

Dry Gudeg, which is served warm with areh thick, much thicker than coconut milk in cooking field.

Wet Gudeg, which is served with warm dilute areh.

Gudeg Solo, namely that arehnya warm white.

Sate Padang

Sate Padang is the name for the three types of variants in the sate of West Sumatra, the Sate Padang, Padang Panjang and Sate Sate Pariaman.

Sate Padang wearing materials beef, tongue, or jerohan (heart, intestine, and tetelan) with a thick peanut sauce seasoning (like porridge) plus a lot of chili so spicy taste.

Sate Padang Panjang satay sauce is distinguished by its yellow color whereas Pariaman satay sauce is red. Sense of both types of satay is also different. While sate Padang has a different flavor combination of both types of variants skewers on top.

The process of making

Fresh meat included big role in drums filled with water and soft boiled twice in order to use a different drum and water. Meat sliced ​​and covered with herbs and spices. While cooking water is used as a broth, ingredients to make satay sauce. Then the broth was mixed with 19 kinds of spices which have been smoothed (onion, garlic, turmeric, ginger, and lemongrass) was mixed with different kinds of chili. The whole spices and then put together and cooked for 15 minutes.

Sate itself is only burned when ordered, using charcoal from coconut shell.

Tongkonan Toraja

Tongkonan is a traditional house of Toraja people. The roof is curved like a boat, consisting of bamboo structure (currently part tongkonan using zinc roof). At the front there is a row of water buffalo horn. The interior of the room used as a bed and kitchen. Tongkonan used also as a place tostore the bodies. Tongkonan derived from the word tongkon (meaning sit together). Tongkonandivided based on the level or role in society (social Stara Society Toraja). In front there tongkonanrice granary, the so-called 'grass'. Granary poles are made from palm tree trunks (Bangah) is currently partly already casted. At the front of the barn there are a variety of carvings, including a picture of chicken and sun, a symbol to resolve the matter.

Especially in Sillanan-Pemanukan (Tallu Lembangna) known by the term Ma'duangtondok tongkonanthere is Tongkonan Karua (eight home tongkonan) and Tongkonan A'pa '(four home tongkonan),which plays a role in the community.

Tongkonan karua consists of :
1. Tongkonan Pangrapa '(Kabarasan)
2. Tongkonan Sangtanete Jioan
3. Tongkonan Nosu (To intoi masakka'na)
4. Tongkonan Sissarean
5. Tongkonan ToPanglawa field
6. Tongkonan Tomanta'da
7. Tongkonan To'lo'le Jaoan
8. Tongkonan ToBarana '

Tongkonan A'pa 'consists of :

1. Tongkonan Peanna Guess'
2. Tongkonan To'induk
3. Tongkonan Karorrong
4. Tongkonan Tondok Bangla '(Pemanukan)

Many traditional houses in Sillanan tongkonan reputedly said, but according to the local community, that is said tongkonan only 12 as noted above. Another traditional house called banuapa'rapuan. Was said in Sillanan tongkonan is custom house where derivatives play a role in the localindigenous community. Descendants of tongkonan describe the social strata of society in Sillanan.Example Tongkonan Pangrapa '(Kabarasan) / holders of government power. If there are people whodied and deducted two buffaloes, one head of buffalo brought to Tongkonan Pangrapa 'to be dividedderivatives.

In community social Stara Sillanan on for over 3 levels, namely :

1. Ma'dika (blue blood / descendant of nobility);
2. To macaques (free man / free);
3. Kaunan (slaves), slaves still be subdivided into 3 levels.

Tongkonan, derived from the word 'tongkon' which means 'to sit together'. Tongkonan always be facing towards the north, which is considered as a source of life. Based on archaeological research, the Toraja came from Yunan, Tongkin Bay, China. Immigrants from China are then berakulturasi with the indigenous population of South Sulawesi.

Tongkonan the form of a wooden house on stilts, where water pools under the house is usually used as a byre. Tongkonan boat-shaped roof, which symbolizes the origin of the Toraja in Sulawesi who arrived by boat from China. At the front of the house, beneath the towering roof, mounted buffalo horns. The number of buffalo horn symbolizes the number of funerals that have been done by the family owners of tongkonan. On the left side of the house (facing west) is installed in the jaw who had slaughtered the buffalo, while on the right side (facing east) mounted jaw pig.In front there tongkonan rice granary, the so-called 'grass'. Granary poles are made from palm tree trunks ('Bangah') are slippery, so the mice can not go up into the barn. At the front of the barn there are a variety of carvings, including a picture of chicken and sun, a symbol to resolve the matter.In understanding the Toraja, tongkonan regarded as the 'mother', while the grass is as 'father'.Tongkonan function for residential, social activities, ceremonies, and fostering kinship. The inside of the house is divided into three parts, namely the northern, central, and south. The room in the northern part is called 'tangalok', serves as a living room, where children sleep, is also the place put offerings. The room section tengahdisebut 'Sali', serves as a dining room, family gatherings, where lay the dead, also the kitchen. The south room is called 'Sumbung', is a room for the head of the family. The room to the south is also considered a source of disease.The bodies of the dead not be buried immediately, but stored in tongkonan. Before the funeral, the bodies are deemed as 'the sick'.In order not to foul, the corpse was embalmed with formalin kind of traditional herb, which is made of betel leaf and banana juice. If the funeral will be conducted, first corpse stored in barns for 3 days.Toraja traditional coffin called 'erong', shaped for the female pig and buffalo for men. For the nobility, made erong shaped custom homes.